Food Web Diagram Essays

Food Web Diagram Essays Food Web Diagram Essay Food Web Diagram Essay Essay Topic: Web Food Web Diagram Name: Course: Institution: : Instructor: Date: Food Web Diagram Selected ecosystem – The Everglades The Florida Everglades is swampy and used to be called â€Å"River of Grass† because it runs through prairies of saw grass. This special area is home to a varied plant and animal population. Over the last century, human activities have destroyed the ecosystem for their selfish gains. They have constructed canals that transport water from the system to their homes and farms. This has changed the flow of water into the everglades, which has resulted to loss of habitat and animals due to insufficient and lack of food and water. For example, alligators lose their nests when canals and gates are opened to release water into the everglades. This is due to the massive flooding that is caused by this water. The water in the everglades has been constantly polluted by the industries and pesticides used by human being on their farms. The everglades experiences dramatic weather and climate changes throughout the year making it difficult for the animals and plants to survive. Nevertheless, the plants and animals have adapted to the harsh weather conditions in this ecosystem. The varying soils and salinity of water in this ecosystem has provided it with the millions of plant and animal species. Some plants and animals are considered endangered but are preserved in this ecosystem like the American crocodile, wood stock, snail kite, loggerhead turtle and the southern bald eagle. Herbivores (marsh rabbit, deer, apple snail) Omnivorous(mosquito fish, opossum, raccoon)

Anne of York, Sister of Two English Kings

Anne of York, Sister of Two English Kings Anne of York Facts Known for: sister of British kings Richard III and Edward IV; she was given control of her first husbands land and titles when he was defeated fighting against Annes brother, King Edward IV. She had ties to the houses of York and Lancaster, the protagonists in the Wars of the Roses.Dates: August 10, 1439 - January 14, 1476Also known as: Duchess of Exeter Background, Family: Mother: Cecily Neville (1411 - 1495), daughter of Ralph, earl of Westmoreland, and his second wife, Joan Beaufort. Joan was a legitimized daughter of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster and a son of King Edward III of England, by Katherine Swynford, whom John married after their children were born. Isabel Neville and Anne Neville, married to Anne of Yorks brothers, were great nieces of Cecily Neville and first cousins once removed to Anne of York and her brothers. Father: Richard, third duke of York (1411 - 1460), son of Richard of Conisbrough, fourth earl of Cambridge and Anne Mortimer, daughter of Roger Mortimer, fourth earl of March. Richard of Conisbrough was the son of Edmund of Langley, the first duke of York, who was the fourth son of Edward III and Philippa of Hainault.Anne Mortimer was the great granddaughter of Lionel of Antwerp, duke of Clarence, who was the second son of Edward III and Philippa of Hainault. In 1460, Annes father, Richard of York, attempted to take the throne from the Lancastrian Henry VI, based on this ancestry. He reached an agreement with Henry that he would succeed Henry, but shortly after was killed at the battle of Wakefield. His son Edward IV succeeded in March 1461 in toppling Henry VI on the basis of this same claim. Siblings: Joan of York (died in childhood)Henry of York (died in childhood)Edward IV of England (1442 - 1483)Edmund, Earl of Rutland (1443 - 1460)Elizabeth of York (1444 - about 1503), married John de la Pole, duke of Suffolk, who had first been married briefly, before the marriage contract  was dissolved, to Margaret Beaufort (age one or three at the time of the marriage)Margaret of York (1446 - 1503), married Charles the Bold of BurgundyWilliam of York (died in childhood)John of York (died in childhood)George, Duke of Clarence (1449 - 1478), married to Isabel Neville, sister of Anne Neville, Richard IIIs queen consortThomas of York (died in childhood)Richard III of England (1452 - 1485), married to Anne Neville, whose first husband was Edward, Prince of Wales, son of Henry VI of EnglandUrsula of York (died in childhood) Marriage, Children: First husband: Henry Holland, third duke of Exeter (1430 - 1475). Married 1447. Holland was an ally of the Lancastrians, and was a commander at Wakefield, St. Albans and the Battle of Towton. He fled to exile after the defeat at Towton. When Annes brother Edward became king, Edward gave control of Hollands estates to Anne. They formally separated in 1464 and divorced in 1472. Anne of York and Henry Holland had one child, a daughter: Anne Holland (about 1455 - between 1467 and 1474). Married Thomas Grey, first marquess of Dorset and son of Elizabeth Woodville, Edward IVs wife, by her first husband. When Edward gave control of Hollands estates to Anne of York, the estates were to go to Anne Hollands heirs. But Anne Holland died without any children. Second husband: Thomas St. Leger (about 1440 - 1483). Married 1474. Anne of York died of complications after childbirth at age 36, after bearing her only child by St. Leger, another daughter: Anne St. Leger (January 14, 1476 - April 21, 1526). Anne St. Legers heirs inherited, by an Act of Parliament in 1483, the Exeter estates which had been seized on her mothers behalf from her mothers first husband. That Act gave a part of the inheritance to Richard Grey, one of Elizabeth Woodvilles sons by her first marriage. Anne St. Leger was promised in marriage to Thomas Grey, a grandson of Elizabeth Woodville as well as the son of the widower of Anne St. Legers half-sister, Anne Holland. Anne St. Leger eventually married, instead, George Manners, twelfth baron de Ros.Among Anne St. Legers descendants was Diana, Princess of Wales. In 2012, remains thought to be those of Anne of Yorks brother, King Richard III, were discovered in Leicester; maternal line descendents of Anne of York through Anne St. Leger were used to test DNA and confirm the identity of the remains as those of the king who had died in battle. More About Anne of York: Anne of York was the older sister of two English kings, Edward IV and Richard III. Annes first husband, Henry Holland, duke of Exeter, fought successfully on the side of the Lancastrians against Annes York family at the battle of Wakefield, where Annes father and brother Edmund were killed. Holland was on the losing side at the Battle of Towton, and fled to exile, and his lands were seized by Edward IV. In 1460, Edward IV granted Anne of York her husbands lands, which were to be inherited through her daughter by Holland. That daughter, Anne Holland, was married to one of the sons of Edwards queen, Elizabeth Woodville, by her first husband, further tying the familys fortunes to the York side in the Wars of the Roses. Anne Holland died, childless, sometime after this marriage in 1466 and before 1474, at which time her husband remarried. Anne Holland was between 10 and 19 years old at her death. Anne of York had separated from Henry Holland in 1464 and obtained a divorce in 1472. Amendments before 1472 to Anne of Yorks title to the lands of her first husband made clear that the title and lands would proceed to any of Annes future children, so she may have already begun another relationship before her marriage in 1474 to Thomas St. Leger. Henry Holland drowned after falling overboard from a ship in 1475; rumors were that King Edward had ordered his death. In late 1475, Anne of York and Thomas St. Legers daughter, Anne St. Leger, was born. Anne of York died in January, 1476, of complications of the childbirth. Anne of Yorks Daughter, Anne St. Leger Anne St. Leger, at sixteen weeks old, was already contracted in marriage to Thomas Grey, who was a grandson of Elizabeth Woodville and the son of Anne St. Legers half-sisters widower. Edward IV won an Act of Parliament in 1483 declaring Anne St. Leger the heiress of the Exeter estate and titles, with some of the estate also passing to Richard Grey, another of Elizabeth Woodvilles sons from her first marriage. This Act of Parliament was unpopular with the public, one more example of the favors given to Elizabeth Woodvilles family, and may have contributed to Edward IVs downfall. Anne St. Leger, Anne of Yorks only surviving daughter, never married Thomas Grey. When her uncle, Richard III, ovrthrew her other uncle, Edward IV, he tried to marry Anne St. Leger to Henry Stafford, duke of Buckingham. There were also rumors he wanted to marry Anne to his own son, Edward. Thomas St. Leger took part in a rebellion against Richard III. When that failed, he was captured and executed in November, 1483. After the defeat of Richard III and accession of Henry VII, Anne St. Leger married George Manners, twelfth baron de Ros. They had eleven children. Five of the daughters and one of the sons married. Another Anne of York A niece of Anne of York, the daughter of Annes brother Edward IV, was also called Anne of York. The younger Anne of York was the countess of Surrey and lived from 1475 to 1511. She married Thomas Howard, third duke of Norfolk. Anne of York, countess of Surrey, took part in the christenings of her nephew, Arthur Tudor, and of her niece, Margaret Tudor, children of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York. The children of Anne of York, countess of Surrey, all predeceased her.

A Small Network Design Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

A Small Network Design - Essay Example The costs of the local area network have also been included by providence of possible prices for the devices. Requirements The company requires a local area network to ensure efficient and effective communication, administration of the branches and it users. The main requirements here then are the devices to implement a local area network without concentrating on wide area network requirements. Some of the devices for a LAN include: routers for communication between branches, switches; for communication between devices in a LAN, cables; to interconnect devices, connectors; which ensure end to end connections between a cable and a device and of course office automation devices like servers e.g., file servers, mail servers and printers for storing and downloading files, for mail exchange and for installing printing software respectively. The company also will require software for their customized uses; the software might be outsourced or in-house. The company also requires operational staff software e.g., word processing. Other devices, which the company is ought to have includes telephony system such as using Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP) and installing VoIP phones. VoIP is IP based and convergent, but use of other implementations like ISDN is possible. The company also requires mail servers e.g. ... The company wants a general LAN design, and it might also decide to include wireless LAN, which uses connectionless media for devices to communicate but not advisable because it is prone to network intrusion such as phishing and spoofing. Almost all computers come with connectors like RJ45 for Unshielded Twisted Pair (UTP) connection. The main cable type, which will be used, is Unshielded Twisted Pair which are used for LANs. It has several categories according to performance. For this company, the ideal one is Category 5e Ethernet (cat5e). It has a jacket and an outside sheath. Cat5e is an extension of category 5 which has extra features to minimize cross-talk and signal interference, its speed is 125Mbps unlike Cat5 which is 100Mps. Depending on the number of users and need for fast connectivity the company might opt to use Category 7 of UTP. This is also called SSTP (shielded screen twisted pair). It has a data rate of 600Mps. Computers The company requires computers to carry out all the automated work in the company and also to install software for communication. It needs desktop computers for basic office automation software like word processing, emailing and accessing the internet. For software, which require more memory and processing power such as design software and working on graphics, the company will require work stations. Laptops also can be used for both small office work and also large software, a Core i5 laptop can be as powerful as a work station and some can be termed as mobile workstations. Switches Switches are intelligent devices, unlike repeaters and hubs and are suitable for computers in the LAN of the company to

G.Handel Oratorios Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

G.Handel Oratorios - Term Paper Example Hereditary is portrayed by Belshazzar as a failure in today’s world. Democracy should be embraced and people should elect leaders of their choice. People should not ascend in to power because they are fond in the royal family line. Belshazzar was king on the night Babylonian kingdom fell. The Persians came and conquered, and He was killed on the same night. The character had sat on the throne for two years. Poor leadership among governments leads to blood shed. People want to ascend to power using the wrong formula. This is made to protect their interest, without considering the needs of the people. Therefore, such governments fail in economic growth, rule of law, social justice, and democracy among many others Nitocris as a queen has been identified as a dominant ruler as female character. . It is suggested that this should be Belshazzar’s mother. The power of a woman in royal kingdoms is shown through this character. She sang a song which had a crushing effect on Belshazzar (Lang 435). However, their evils actions become a thorn in their own flesh. The king ordered that no one should be allowed to enter the place. With that order to the door keepers, the king himself became ill and left the place. By his own order he was killed by Cyrus and

Democratic transitions in Armenia and Azerbaijan Essay Example for Free

Democratic transitions in Armenia and Azerbaijan Essay Introduction Armenia and Azerbaijan, two former Soviet Republics have since 1991 been undergoing a political transition from an authoritarian system towards a democratic system. Ten years after these transitions began, it is still questionable whether these states have made much progress. Aside from examining political, economic and social reforms undertaken, it is also important to consider the historical tradition of the region, which can be a factor in determining what kind of regime will emerge. Iran, Russia, and Turkey have always had immense influence over the area, thus in order to understand the process of democratization occurring it is necessary to examine their foreign policies. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union more than a decade ago, the newly formed successor states have undergone many changes and transformations. Though the initial enthusiasm of change has long dissipated it is only now possible to truly evaluate the actual developments that have occurred in the newly independent states (NIS) for the past ten years. Perhaps one of the most telling regions that can be assessed, in the former Soviet empire, is the southern Caucasus, more specifically the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan. This historically rich region, ripe with cultural tradition as well as ethnic rifts in many ways exemplifies the transitions taking place throughout the former Soviet Union. However, it must be emphasized that the experience of these two republics is unique especially when looking at the war they maintained with each other from 1992 to 1994. The intensity of the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan was one that has yet to be repeated by any of the other republics, thus making the South Caucasus a particularly interesting region to examine. Whereas an overview of the changes that were made within Armenia and Azerbaijan would give us a partial, if somewhat superficial understanding of the transition process, it is necessary to go beyond that scope. With the establishment of the former Soviet republics as legitimate and independent states in the late 1990s a new wave of democratization began. Like most of the former republics, with the exception of Belarus and Turkmenistan, Armenia and Azerbaijan looked forward to democratization. However as time passed the smooth transition from one regime to another began to falter. Though many reasons can be attributed to explain why democratization was not an immediate success within Armenia and Azerbaijan, such as political, economic and social conditions, not much attention has been given to external factors which have hindered the democratization process. More specifically it is necessary to look at the policies of foreign states and their impact on the establishment of a democratic tradition. In other words, aside from domestic policies, are the policies of foreign countries influential in the democratization process? Therefore, I propose, in order to understand the exact impact of foreign policies on Armenia and Azerbaijan, it is necessary to concentrate on the three major powers in the region, Iran, Russia, and Turkey. Historically all three states have had immense influence in the South Caucasus; consequently, their interests have come to dominate the events unfolding in the region. Accordingly, examining the foreign policies of Iran, Russia, and Turkey is a necessity in the understanding of the democratization process, determining whether or not their foreign policies have helped or hindered this process. I suggest that, in general states, act in accordance to their interests, and therefore seek to implement policies within their states that will uphold these interests. Hence, when looking at Armenia and Azerbaijan, in comparison to their neighbours, it is only natural that these neighbours would try to impose their influences on these two relatively weak states to advance their political, strategic and economic interests. Thus demonstrating that while it is important to look at the domestic politics to understand the process of democratization, it is not sufficient to explain everything. Moreover, we can say that this is not a situation unique to Armenia and Azerbaijan but can be applied in most cases to newly independent states, or states undergoing democratization. Defining democracy and democratization At this time it is necessary to define some of the terminology in order to clarify what is being implied by democracy and democratization. Democracy as a concept has in the past been defined according to its origins and its goals, in other words, as a system that derives from the will of the people and seeks to achieve the common good or social justice. However, such a definition is not easily proved and can easily lead to ambiguity where, after all, dictators can claim that they have received their power from the will of the people and they are in fact promoting the common good and social justice. Perhaps democracy can be defined within the framework of a procedural conception where decision making over rules and policies are collectively binding but over which the people still maintain control. Furthermore, within this system it is necessary that all members of the collectivity be assured of their equal rights in participating directly in this decision making process. In other words, democracy is the polar opposite oif a system of rule where the population is excluded from the decision making process and therefore has no control over it. Transitions happen when there is a split within the regime between the hardliners and softliners. This split causes the beginning of a bargaining process between the state and its opposition elite, thus prompting the transition within a modal pattern. Another important issue within democratization literature deals with the definition of democratic consolidation. It is necessary to distinguish clearly the differences between transitional democracies and consolidated democracies. In fact it woiuld be erroneous to assume that states emerging from authoritarian regimes could be automatically called democratic just because its officials are popularly elected. In most cases these states are still missing some of the essential elements of democracy,. Furthermore, they require the setting up and instutionalization of the new regime and its rules. Therefore it is important to acknowledge that a transition from an authoritarian regime does not necessarily mean a transition to a democracy or democratic consolidation. In fact, it can be said that both processes are distinct involving separate actors, strategies and conditions. Consequently, rather than simply undermining and authoritarian regime, democratic consolidation is more elaborate. The main role of democratic consolidation is to rid the state of the remnants of the old regime which are incommensurable with the construction of democratic institutions and reinforcing rules. Therefore, a concise definition of democratic consolidation is when a states actors have agreed to abide by the democratic rules of the game and will not resort to using any other extra-democratic means to achieve their goals. The events leading to the collapse of the Soviet Union The collapse of the Soviet union did not occur overnight in December 1991. In fact, the fabric of Soviet society had been gradually unraveling for years. By the time Mikhail Gorbachev assumed leadership of the Soviet Union he was aware of that things coulds not continue in the same manner. In 1985, Gorbachev tried to introduce the reforms of acceleration and intensification in relation to upgrading productivity. Thus by the end of 1985, perestroika (restructuring) and glasnot (openness) became the slogans of his administration. Perestroika emphasized a new type of bureaucratization, one which was much more in tune with the masses. In short, it was a way to change the boss mentality prevalent in command regimes and to reorganize the system to make it more efficient. Though Gorbachev actively spoke of change in public, behind the scenes very little was truly being done to change the system. The explosion of the Chernobyl nuclear reactor was a perfect example of this lack of change. Though the government spoke of opennes, it took Gorbachev nearly three weeks to acknowledge the extent of the catastrophe, at which point he did not give any details on the effects of the explosion on agriculture, industry and the consequences on human lives. In essence, glasnost had failed because the government itself was not completely commited to it. Perestroika also suffered a similar fate seeing as not much was being actually done to restructure the system. From 1987 to 1988, Gorbachev introduced five new economic reform which were designed to help the fledging Soviet economy. In January 1987, he introduced quality control inspectors in order to make sure that the quality of Soviet goods would be improved from their well known substandard level. In other words, emphasis was going to be put more on quality than quantity. The following month, he launched a new wage policy where an individual worker would be rewarded for an above average performance. Gorbachev then set about decentralizing the management of enterprises requiring that they administer their own finances, in order to make them profitable. Those who did not meet the standard were to be shut down. On May 1st 1988, Gorbachev allowed for the limited opening of private enterprises. Lastly in August 1988, he initiated a new agricultural policy where farmers would be allowed to rent land from the state, and to purchase the necessary equipment. However with the deregulation of enterprises, the prices of goods inexorably went up, causing discontentment within the population. Gradually the government saw all of its reforms either criticized for being too radical or not being reformist enough. Concurrently, in the republics nationalists movements had begun to emerge revealing, in some areas, widespread anti- Russian sentiments. One such outburst ocurred in December 1986 in Alma Ata in Kazakhastan, however, Gorbachev choose to ignore the riot thinking that it was an abnormality. By 1998 and 1989 other outbreaks occurred, as a direct result of the added freedom of glasnost. All of a sudden Armenians were demonstrting on the streets of Yerevan, the capital city of Armenia, demanding for the transfer of the Armenian enclave of Nagorno Karabagh which was under control of Azerbaijan. The Baltic republics began to claim their independence from the Soviet Union, stating that their annexation in 1939 with the Molotov- Ribbentrop pact was unlawful. Ethnic unrest aslo erupted throughout the Central Asian republics, in Moldavia, and in Georgia. Nevertheless, in the face of such unrest, the Gorbachev government remained largely ineffectual, demostrating that it was unable to cope with the changes ocurring throughout the Soviet Union. The final blow to the Soviet Union came in August 1991 when conservative forces within the Communist party, unhappy with the reforms and the new union treaty, put Gorbachev, who was vacationing in the Crimea, under house arrest in an attempt to seize power from him. Through the coup attempt was unsuccessful, it was clear Gorbachevs central administration was quite impotent, leaving room for the assertion of power by the republics, in particular the Russian republic and its leader Boris Yeltsin. For the remaining months, Grobachev tried in vain to regain control. Nonehtless, one after the other starting with the Ukraine, each republic voted for independence. By the end of the month the Soviet Union no longer existed. Reforms and Changes in Armenia and Azerbaijan With the end of the Soviet Union, fifteen new republics emerged, each trying to find a way to cope with this newfound freedom. Slowly, the international community recognized the republics as independent and sovereign states. Consequently, most of them publicly announced that they would choose democracy as their form of government, in order to become full members of the international community and play by the rules of the game. Armenia and Azerbaijan from the beginning declared that they would democratize. They would adopt rules and regulations that would promote institutions of democracy. They would have free elections, and institute liberal market economies. In other words, they would eradicate the old soviet system and accept liberal demcocracy. Needless to say, it did not quite occur that way, nor has it been so easy. Considering the fact that even before the disintegration of the Soviet Union Armenia and Azerbaijan were in the midst of an ethnic war with each other, it is not surprise that the actual process of democratization in these countries is tentative and at times very slow. The years of conflict have left the local economies of each state weak, with widespread infrastructural damage and large refugee problems. Moreover, due to the conflict and general instability of the region, foreign investment has been scarce. In other words, democratization has taken a back seat to survival. However this is not to say that there have been no developments. When looking at electoral patterns as an indication of democratization it is possible to observe that Armenia and Azerbaijan, since 1991 have had elections, with a somewhat stable change in the government of Armenia in 1998. There had been somewhat controversial elections two years earlier, in 1996, when the incumbent oresident Levon Ter Petrossian banned the major opposition party, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation. In 1998, after much discontent over the settlement of Nagorno Karabagh issue, Ter PEtrossian resigned. The elections of 1998 were not perfect, in fact observers sent by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) noted many abnormalities. However, since these elections, there have been noted improvements in the conducting of the May 1999 Parliamentary election and the October 1999 municipal elections. Nevertheless, the process of democratization did suffer a significant blow when five armed men entered the National Assembly in October 1999, killing the Prime minister, the speaker of the National Assembly and six other deputies. Furthermore, most recently Armenia has been criticized for media censorship when it recently closed down a non-government funded television channel. This is not the first time the Armenia rsorts to intervening the media. Before the 1996 elections, then President Ter Petrossian shut down many of his oppositions media outlets. In comparison, elections in azerbaijan have been less successful, with constant widespread irregularities. This is further emphasized by the fact that the current president o Azerbaijan, Heidar Aliev, came to power in less than democratic circumstances, and has used the constitution several times to extend his tenure. For example, in preparation for the 1998 presidential elections, electoral laws were modified, the media was under strict censorship, in other words, everything was done to make sure Aliev was reconfirmed as President. Needless to say corruption and nepotism are not unusual in Azerbaijan. This trend has been reinforced by the Aliev government which has taken to he practice of assigning extended family members to important government or business positions. For example, Alievs brother is in charge of the State Oil Corporation of the Republic of Azerbaijan (Socar), which is the enterprise in charge of most of the oil extraction in the Caspian sea. Democratization as a foreign policy In recent years, a debate among academics has been at the forefront of the study of post communist transitions, evaluating whether they can be compared with other transitions to democracy. Though it is necessary to state that there are some differences in the process, however that does not mean that they cannot be compared. Even though post communist states face different challenges, there is a similarity when evaluating the influence of a foreign state. At this point it is necessary to discuss some of the challenges faced by former Communist states. Though the debate on the comparability of the democratization process of former communist states and other authoritarian states is still ongoing, it would be unwise to believe that there are no differences in the transition process. Nevertheless, differences do not mean that each of the processes cannot be compared, on the contrary, differences along with similarities make the research much more dynamic. Indeed what makes transitions from communism unique from from all other forms of authoritarianism is the fact that it is a transition from Communism. Thus raising the question of how are they different? It is often stated that one of the distinguishing factors of post communist transitions is the rise of ethnic conflict. From 1989 to 1991 three countries broke up causing ethno-territorial conflicts. The main internal impediments faced by post communist societies in their transition can be traced to the social and economic legacy of communism. Aside from the foreign policy of other countries, those states in transition had to deal with eighty years of perverted modernization. Even though under communism Russia became a modernized, highly industrialized, urbanized and literate society, the fact remains that the regime tried to undermine the human ability for autonomous action. This is most obviously reflected in the transition to a liberalized market economy, where the concepts of preoperty and originality are essential. Clearly, there is a strong correlation between the establishment of democracy and the growth of a market economy. However, with the destruction of the notion of private property, the notion of personality was also ruined. The loss of personality and property systematically erased the conception of freedom as natural and alienable. It is imperative to acknowledge that it was not only the capacity for acting autonomously that was affected but also the ability to think freely and with innovation. Furthermore, Communism also annihilated the idea of social responsibility, which is a necessity in a democratic regime. Consequently, during transitioin and democratization in communist states, it is not only necessary to change the actual regime, but it is also crucial to change the social consciousness, in order to change the conception of property and responsibility which are inherent to a healthy market economy. Returning to the issue of foreign influence, it would be wrong to assume that only states in the process of transition can be affected by the foreign policy of other actors, indeed, to a certain degree, all states are susceptible to foreign policies, but this is most obvious in states undergoing regime changes. In fact, when comparing to other factors, the study of foreign policy as an influence on transitions to democracy reamins largely controversial and understudied. Most scholars of regime change, in particular, of democratization, have focused on other means of explanation. This does not mean that the importance of the foreign policy should be disregaderd. Perhaps, this is an indication that more time should be accorded to its study. One author on the topic has determined three evident ways that foreign actors impact the transition of another state. The first level described is the influence on the socio-economic structures, in other words, activism, social and cultural cleavage s, and economic concentration, dispersion, and inequality. The second level consists of outright domination of state over another through the means of foreign policy. As a result, it is the politics of another state that determines the type of regime which emerges, democratic or authoritarian. Needless to say, this type of influence is quite rare, though there are some outstanding examples. Following the end of the Second World War, Germany, Austria, and Italy were quickly imposed democratic forms of government by the victorious Allies, specifically the United States, Great Britain and France. In contrast, Czechoslovakia and Poland were imposed authoritarian regimes by the Soviet Union. Another type of complete domination can also be colonialism or even the occupation of territories of one state over another state. The third level deals directly with how foreing policy can alter choices available to a state in transition, therefore the type of regime adopted will to some extent depend on what kind of influence the foreign actor excercises. In 1989, with the crumbling of the Berlin Wall, eastern European states, one after the other declared their rejection of the communist regime and adopted a pro- democratic stance. The reason for that can be attributed to this change, following the line of thinking presented above, is with the end of the old regime, the influence of western European foregin policy on eastern Europe, democracy and democratization seemed to be the only viable choice. The influence of Iranian, Russian and Turkish foreign policy on Armenia and Azerbaijan At this point, it is necessary to examine the specific foreign policies of the three mos influential countries in the Caucasus and their effects on Armenia and Azerbaijan. As stated earlier the different policies pursued by Iran, Russia and Turkey have a tremendous impact on the transition to democracy of Armenia and Azerbaijan due to the nature of the relationship with each other. Consequently, the policies practiced by one state will undoubtedly affect another; this is especially true when examining the susceptibility of Armenia and Azerbaijan in comparision to their powerful neighbours. Moreover, this influnce extends beyond the political realm, affecting economic relations as well as social structures. a) The foreign policy of Iran Even though the interest of Iranian foreign policy in the Caucasus is a product of the end of the Cold War, there are historical and ethnic reasons behind this current concern. The Russo-Persian wars of the 19th century had effectively removed Persian influence from the region however it did leave behind a significant consequence. By signing the Treaty of Turkmenchai in 1828, Persia gave up all claims to territories north of the Araxes River, permanently severing the lands inhabited by the Azerbaijani. With the fall of the Iron Curtain that division was not quite as important anymore, therefore possibly influencing the social balance of Iran. Indeed the majority of ethnic Azerbaijanis do not live in Azerbaijan, rather they live in Northern Iran, making up a population of roughly 15 to 20 million. In comparison, in the republic of Azerbaijan, there is approximately a population of 8 million Azerbaijanis. Therefore, it is not surprising that in 1991, after Azerbaijan became an independent state, there were demands on both sides of the border for unification, thus making the government of Tehran, the Iranian capital, very nervous. However, talk about unification, soon faded when the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the region of Nagorno Karabagh intensified. Azerbaijan was in no position, financially and politically to absorb the influx of migrants or to begin a process of unification. The iranian government began to give importance to the conflict. This was largely due to the fact that many Azerbaijanis fleeing the conflict began to take refuge in northern Iran. Moreover, with the intensification of the conflict between the Armenians and the Azerbaijanis, the whole region was beginning to destabilize. Iran was worried that perhaps there would be a spill over effect, maybe even mobilizing its own Azerbaijani population. Another reason for concern was the growing influence of Turkey. It was no secret that with the end of Communism, Iran and Turkey were actively vying for positions of influence in the Caucasus, mainly because of the issue of Caspian oil. Initially, Iran tried to mediate between the two faction; in 1993 it even sponsored the first ceasefire agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, however it soon became obvious that this effort would fail. At that point, Iran no longer actively participated in the negotiation process, however it did continue to pursue its national interests. In order to avoid any long term separatist movement, Iran sought to support the Armenian faction. Though it strongly adherer to the principle of territorial integrity, Iran at every opportunity sustained the Armenian war effort, in hopes of keeping some measure of control over Azerbaijan and any nationalist claims. By 1994, the focus of Iranian foreign policy shifted to the matter of the division of the Caspian Sea and Caspian oil. In an unprecedented move, Iran and Russia, seeing themselves being gradually left out of the Caspian oil deals, began to collaborate on the issue of dividing the Caspian Sea. Also, through the intermediary of Armenia, Iran initiated bilateral and trilateral meetings with Russia signing cooperation accords. Azerbaijan and Turkey did not view these as gestures of friendship, rather they saw them as potential threats. It must be said that relations between Iran and Azerbaijan remain quite tense. Irans continued economic and political support of Armenia remains a bone of contention for Azerbaijan. b) the policy of Russia With the end of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and the subsequent emergence of fifteen independent republics a new era of foreign policy began on the Eurasian continent. In regards to the three states of the Caucasus, that is to say Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, Russias foreign policy was quite clear. The Caucasus, for Russia, is an integral part of its policy realm. By the final years of the Soviet Union, during the Gorbachev administration, Soviet foreign policy changed dramatically, culminating in the abandonment of Eastern Europe, the dissolution of the Warsaw pact and then the end of the Cold War. Nonetheless, when comparing turn of the century Russian foreign policy with its current counterpart, it becomes evident that little has changed. The Caucasus, in other words, Armenia and Azerbaijan, play a significant role in Russian national security. When looking at Russian foreign policy in Armenia and Azerbaijan, there are specific issues that need to be examined in order to comprehend Russias poisition and its foreign policy, such as, ethnic conflicts, terriorial integrity, and military bases. Like Iran and Turkey, Russias foreign policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan has been dictated by the Nagorno Karabagh conflict. As part of its foreign policy concept, Russia is quite serious about keeping territorial integrity intact. Of course this is in their best interest considering the problems it has in the Northern Caucasus with the Chechens. The fact is that if they do give any chance to the possibility of altering borders this would give added incentive to separatist groups within Russia to declare their own independence. Therefore, it is clearly stated in their foreign policy that territorial integrity is a non negotiable element. In fact, Russia supports a diplomatic resolution to the conflict through the auspices of the OSCE. Though some critics would say that Russias intentions in this conflict were in general biased towards the Armenian faction, due to the fact that the Armenian government repeatedly enlisted Russian military support in its conflict with Azerbaijan. Another aspect of the Russian foreign policy is the presence of its military bases in Armenia. Though this does not directly affect Azerbaijan, seeing as the bases are not near its shared bordder with Armenia, it does however affect relations between Armenia and Turkey. In essence the presence of the Russian military is there to reinforce its position in the Caucasus, making sure that neither turkey nor Iran for that matter, become too influiential. However the fact that there are Russian military installations on Armenia territory says much about the relationship between the two states. Armenia has become politically and economically dependent on Russia, and with military presence it also indicates a strategic presence it also indicates a strategic dependence. In contrast, Russias relation with Azerbaijan has long been strained, and has further disintigrated as Azerbaijan has aligned itself more closely to turkey. c) The Foreign Policy of Turkey Until the collapse of the Soviet regime, Turkish foreign policy had little concern for its eastern neighbours. Instead its attention focused its relation within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Cold War environment, as well as its accession to the European Union (EU) In other words, Turkey was largely preocupied with the West and securing a definite position within that context. The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War dramatically changed that role. Turkey found itself along with Nato at a crossroad, trying to re-evaluate its relevance in the new global framework. Simultaneously, with the establishment of the fifteen newly formed republics of the former Soviet Union, Turkey was able to begin a new era in its foreign policy making, which was widely supported form within Turkey as well. Thus, Turkey sought to establish closer relationships with its ethnic brethren in the Caucasus and Central Asia. With the 1990 rejection of the Turkish accession by The European Community and the end of the the cold war, Turkey had to adapt its foreign policy to reflect the current context. The first step in the process was the recognition of independence of the Azerbaijani republic on November 9th 1991, nearly a full month before it recognized the other republics. By supporting Azerbaijan, Turkey was asserting its newly found interest in the region, making sure that not one country would become the dominant influential power. Aside from the political aspects of Turkeys policy towards Azerbaijan, it is necessary to examine the economic aspects. Since the signing of the cease- fire between Armenia and Azerbaijan in 1994, The Nagorno Karabagh conflict has taken a backseat in the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey to give way to the Caspian Oil isse. Turke has actively participated and invested in the construction of pipelines and oil extraction consortiums. In fact, it is now one of the major investors in the Azerbaijan International Oil Company (AIOC). Moreover, Turkey has greatly invested in a new oil pipeline stretching from Baku to the Mediterranean port of Ceyhan, which will become the main mode of transportation of Caspian oil to the rest of the world. Thus it can be said, that relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey, in the future will have a much more economic slant. In contrast with Azerbaijan, relations between Armenia and Turkey are much more difficult. In fact, one could even say that relations between Armenia and Turkey are at best hostile, barely tolerant of one another. Nevertheless, despite the political hostility, in the las five years, Turkey has begun to penetrate the Armenian economic market through the export of goods, such as foodstuffs, machinery and construction materials. Though the exports, for the most part are not sent directly to Armenia, they usually arrive by way of Georgia, there is a growing recognition within the Turkish government and the Armenian government that economically it is in their best interests to cooperate. Turkish willingness stems from the fact that its easternmost province of Kars, which shares border with Armenia, is suffering from large population decrease and general underdevelopment. Conclusion With the end of the Cold War the dynamics of the republics of the former Soviet Union were completely changed. Immediately they were faced with a choice, either to adapt to the new world or desperately try to maintain the status quo. Initially, despite their difference Armenia and Azerbaijan seemed to be willing to democratize. However with the regional instability this process of democratization has been slow to progress. Though there are many theories that try to explain the process of democratization and preconditions necessary for that process of democratization has been slow to progress. Though there are many theories that try to explain the process of democratization and the preconditions necessary for that process, recent efforts have tried to explain why transition occurs in one area as opposed to another area. Though there are some similarities, the categorization of types of transition, such as transitions through transaction, transitions through extrication, or transition through regime defeat, the main point of contention deals with the historical legacy of the regime. According to some academics, the historical legacy of a former authoritarian regime is what determines the type of democratization that will take place. There is no direct link between prior regime type and the mode of transition in relation to the prospects of democracy. Therefore when looking at the transitions of Armenia and Azerbaijan, though the old Soviet regime may determine to some degree what will happen in the process of democratization, there is not pre-established mold. In fact one of the elements that can have an influence in the process is the impact of the foreign policies of other states. In other words, for Armenia and Azerbaijan, democratization will be influenced by the foreign policies of Iran, Russia, and Turkey, due to the extent of authority the exercise in the region

Celtic Culture and the Arts Essay -- Celtic Traditions Cultural Artist

Celtic Culture and the Arts The legacy the Celts and their culture have bestowed upon the face of civilization is powerful and enduring. With their rich and intriguing history, and their complex and beautiful beliefs, they have been a great influence in many aspects of present day life, from their art and innovations, to deeply rooted traditions modern humanity still continues to preserve. It is through the examination of the Celtic culture as a whole, from their origins, tool usage and inventions, social systems, judicial systems, to their intricate spiritual beliefs that one is able to draw a strong sense of unity and connection to these mysterious people from whom most every Indo-European descendant draws their ancestry. The Celts were a people unsurpassed in their skill and endurance as a culture, and even now, at the dawning of the new millennia, their influence and inspiration continues to be felt. The Celts are thought to have originated in the area of what is now Central Europe, primarily east of the Rhine River, such as southern Germany, Austria, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, or even so far as the Volga Steppes in western Russia at about 2000 BC (Pennick, 1997). These inhabitants were called the Beaker People, named for their tradition of burying pottery and various artifacts with their dead (Blundell, 1996). By the twelve century BC, they had expanded across the continent until they dominated most of central, western and northwestern Europe. There their culture flourished as they began to settle into an increasing agricultural lifestyle, gradually becoming less nomadic, and dependent of hunting and gathering as a primary means of survival. This is what is widely regarded as the Urnfield culture. The Urnfielders, with their name derived from their practice of cremating their dead, are now thought to be the immediate ancestors of the Celts as they had similar social and societal structures. It has even been suggested that the Urnfielders spoke an early form of Celtic language. The Celts emerged from this lineage at some point between 1200 to 700 BC. The traditional Celts were a result of a mixture of many bloodlines from cultures during that period, ultimately arising from the interbreeding and mingling of of a variety of existing cultures and spiritual practices, eventually developing into the Celtic culture a... ...int, or to ward off the mischievous â€Å"faery folk† or the little people. There still remains an order of Druids, a select group of neo-pagan priests who are dedicated to the preservation of the ancient belief system of their ancestors, the Celts. With more pagan traditions emerging today from former Celtic traditions, such as that of Wicca and Druidry, the world, or so it seems, has never been more fascinated with the Celts. But, like anything else that has the power of endurance, the Celts as a people have changed in every aspect of their lives to adapt with the pressures facing them, and thus, despite the resurgence of Celtic spiritualists, the original beliefs as the Celts once held them are now essentially lost, and will for the most part, remain forever unknown. Bibliography Blundell, Nigel 1999 Ancient England. Prospero Books, London. Eddy, Steve 1999 Timeless Wisdom of the Celts. Hodder and Stoughton Publishing, London. Lavin, Patrick 1999 The Celtic World. Hippocrene Books Inc., New York. Pennick, Nigel 1997 The Sacred World of the Celts. Inner Traditions International, Rochester. Piggot, Stuart 1996 The Druids. Thames and Hudson, London.

Effects of Nurse Staffing on Patients Outcomes Essay

This study focuses on the issue of nursing staffing and its effects on the outcomes of the patients. To begin with, the tem nursing staffing will be defined and followed by a discussion of nursing staffing in relation to the nurses themselves. Nursing staffing levels and their effects on the patient outcomes will also be discussed with regards to morbidity and mortality besides other indicators of patient outcomes, the impact of nursing staffing levels to quality of care as well as an overview of past studies as far as the relationship between nursing staffing levels and the outcome of the patient is concerned. Nursing staffing The term nursing staffing refers to the levels of nurses that are employed at a particular institution. Normally, the nursing staffing levels are measured as ratios of nurses to their patients within their institutions and the higher the ratio, the more preferred as it is thought to mean a better outcome for patients in their care whereas lower ratios are associated with poorer patient outcomes. Nursing staffing and the nurses Nursing staffing has been investigated with the nurses themselves in mind and such studies have included the Schmalenberg and Kramer study of 2009 which sought to establish and assess the factors that influence the perceptions or the opinions of nurses as far as nursing staffing levels are concerned. Nursing staffing has also been studied with regards to the negative effects on the nurses such as nurse burnout and job dissatisfaction such as the study carried out by Aiken et al in 2002. As far as international literature is concerned, most of the studies that look at the impact of nursing staffing on the nurses themselves concentrates on adverse outcomes such as physical injuries, encounters with aggression and violence, sickness and absenteeism, self reports of job satisfaction levels as well as burnout. According to the study by Schmalenberg and Kramer (2009), the nurses’ opinion of their working environment is a strong predictor of their opinions as far as the staffing of their units and of their institutions is concerned. Additionally, the factors that were found to profoundly affect this opinion are the competence of the staff, teamwork, flexible delivery system, and a balance of positions in relation to the needs of the patients that are under their care. The study by Aiken et al in 2002 revealed that there was a higher chance of nurses experiencing job related burnout in hospitals with high Patient nurse ratios. Further, nurses in institutions which had the highest rates of patient to nurse ratios were twice likely to suffer from dissatisfaction from their jobs. These influenced the decisions of nurses to leave their current jobs and thus creating more staffing problems that would lead to more negative patient outcomes. Nursing Staffing and the Patient There are various outcomes that are thought to be directly related to the staffing of nurses in any institution are associated with the patients, such as morbidity mortality, nosocomial infections, falls, pressure ulcers, suicide, and length of hospital stay, medication errors, post operative complications, infection rates and adverse events such as cardiac or respiratory arrests, most of which are negative patient outcomes (Flynn and Mckeown, 2009). There are various studies that have focused on this relationship such as the study by Aiken et al in 2002 however, according to Liang et al (2012); most of these studies have been carried out in western countries. Flynn and Mckeown also studied the relationship between the patient outcome and the nurse staff levels in a bid to identify information that would enable nursing managers to determine the optimum nursing staff levels. The quality of care that is given in nursing homes, which is also an antecedent of the patient outcome has been investigated in studies such as the study done by Castle and Engberg min 2003. Some of the studies that have been used to investigate the relationship between patient mortality as an outcome of nursing staffing levels have been cross sectional and critics have argued that these have failed to include a direct link between staffing and individual patient experiences besides lacking sufficient statistical controls (Needleman et al 2011). One of the patients’ outcomes that have been associated with low levels of nursing staffing is the mortality of patients (Aiken et al 2002). This study was carried out in Pennsylvania hospitals whereby the patients to nurses’ ratio were in the range of 4:1 to 8:1. In the course of the study, 4535 out of 232 342 surgical patients died within thirty days (Aiken et al 2002). This study concluded that four patients less for every nurse would reduce in fewer deaths in the same time and not just in the surgical wards but among all the patients hospitalized in California (Aiken et al 2002). A study by Liang et al in 2012 confirmed the relationship between nursing staffing levels and patient mortality. Cho et al also investigated the relationship between nurse staffing and negative effects such as morbidity, mortality and medical costs. Nurse staffing levels were considered as nursing hours and as nurse proportions and the higher the number of patients that a nurse was supposed to take care of, the higher the rate of mortalities and complications such as atelectasis and pressure ulcers among others in post operative pneumonia patients (2003). This was attributed to the higher than usual demands of taking care of these patients which demanded lower patient to nurse ratios. In yet another study by Kiekkas et al in 2008, the relationship between nursing overload and mortality among intensive care unit patients was investigated whereby the nursing workload was considered the result of total patient care demands and nurse staffing levels. Of the three hundred and ninety six patients who were admitted in the intensive care unit of a Greek Hospital, one hundred and two of them died. The workload of the nurses was found to be significant especially as far as mortality as an outcome was concerned in surgical patients, medical patients, and both groups together which indicated that patient care demands were an important moderator in the course of investigating the relationship between nursing staff levels and mortality (Kiekkas et al, 2008). Staffing of nurses and work environment variables have been assessed with regards to their effects on patient outcomes in a conceptual model by Meyer et al in 2009. The study was carried out in Canadian hospitals in their cardiac and cardiovascular patient units whereby the PCDM together with regression models was tested. PCDM in this case is an acronym for the Patient Care Delivery Model and in addition to confirming the relationship between nurse staffing levels and patients outcomes , the study indicated that patient outcome are also the result of factors associated with patients themselves as well as factors associated with the nurses (Meyer et al, 2009. Additionally, Liang et al established some of the reasons behind the high patient to nurse ratio in Taiwan most prominent of which was the desire of hospitals to control their expenditure but which had negative outcomes for its patients. Flynn and Mckeown in 2009 found out that it was important for nurse managers and others that are involved in the recruitment of nurses to critically examine the common methods that are used for the purposes of determining nursing skill mix as well as staffing levels in their effectiveness in the course of health service organization and delivery. This is in spite of the fact that most studies have been unable to accurately determine or support a minimum level of nurse-patient ratios in various hospitals (Flynn and Mckeown, 2009). Castle and Engberg in 2009 proposed that poor staffing in nursing homes was the result of high rates of turnover among the patients, low staffing levels, low stability levels and low use of agency staff and that poor staffing in nursing homes is accompanied by poor patient outcomes. However, in order to enhance staffing in nursing homes, administrators should focus on all and not just a few select characteristics (Castle and Engberg, 2009). In response to the failure of cross sectional studies to establish or demonstrate a direct link between levels of nursing staffing and patient experiences besides lack of statistical controls, Needleman et al carried out their own study of the nursing staffing levels and the outcomes of the patients in 2011. This study utilized the Cox proportional hazards model and established that the staffing of nurses below the recommended levels was related to patient mortality. Conclusion This study has been a literature review with regards to nursing staffing levels and patient outcomes. The definition of nursing staffing has been defined as well as the effects of nursing staffing on the nurses themselves besides the effects of nursing staffing levels on the patient outcomes. This has been done with various studies that have been done in the past concerning the subject.

Tuition

If students were robots they might at least not need ‘rest'. They would continue to work on a novel for days together, learn lessons of mathematics without Intervening subconscious processing of thoughts. The efficiency and effectiveness would have been uninterrupted. But students need rest, enjoyment, and change of routine. Therefore we cannot easily ignore importance of holiday, which has all the three ingredients. It alleviates anxiety of workload , takes away from hectic environment of office. Holiday is a ‘proper feed' of mind, gives it proper resting place', and timeout'.Plot for a great story Is discovered to us during our ‘Idle hours'. It underpins importance of rest and enjoyment for efficient working. A sage has wisely said, † the time that we enjoy wasting, is not wasted. † This is keeping in view the importance of enjoyment and leisurely hours in our life. A holiday is a time for celebration. It can be celebrated in a variety of ways. Student s go out for a short trip to various historical places to meet different people, enjoy their cuisine, listen to their folk songs, and legendary tales. Or they may vlslt new institutes, engage in seminars, and discussions and enrich their experiences.Besides that people enjoy playing games, joining health clubs, reading stories, learning new languages and skills going out for dinner with friends and families, watching movies and documentaries. some people get plenty of sleep thinking of rest instead of any work at all. To sum up. I can say that doing a part-time Job does students good. They can get more experience for future job, practice the lesson got from classes and grow up. For the reasons I have mentioned, I am going to seek a job for my self and do it with all my best to grow out of my own ebullient thought and action. Tuition If students were robots they might at least not need ‘rest'. They would continue to work on a novel for days together, learn lessons of mathematics without Intervening subconscious processing of thoughts. The efficiency and effectiveness would have been uninterrupted. But students need rest, enjoyment, and change of routine. Therefore we cannot easily ignore importance of holiday, which has all the three ingredients. It alleviates anxiety of workload , takes away from hectic environment of office. Holiday is a ‘proper feed' of mind, gives it proper resting place', and timeout'.Plot for a great story Is discovered to us during our ‘Idle hours'. It underpins importance of rest and enjoyment for efficient working. A sage has wisely said, † the time that we enjoy wasting, is not wasted. † This is keeping in view the importance of enjoyment and leisurely hours in our life. A holiday is a time for celebration. It can be celebrated in a variety of ways. Student s go out for a short trip to various historical places to meet different people, enjoy their cuisine, listen to their folk songs, and legendary tales. Or they may vlslt new institutes, engage in seminars, and discussions and enrich their experiences.Besides that people enjoy playing games, joining health clubs, reading stories, learning new languages and skills going out for dinner with friends and families, watching movies and documentaries. some people get plenty of sleep thinking of rest instead of any work at all. To sum up. I can say that doing a part-time Job does students good. They can get more experience for future job, practice the lesson got from classes and grow up. For the reasons I have mentioned, I am going to seek a job for my self and do it with all my best to grow out of my own ebullient thought and action.

The Governor Generals resignation essays

The Governor Generals resignation essays Dr Peter Hollingworth, the recently resigned Governor General of Australia and former Anglican Archbishop of Brisbane, was crucified by the media over a matter that did not affect his ability to act as a very efficient Governor General and consequently caused his resignation. There were two cases against him one he was accused of raping a women 37 years ago this was entirely uncorroborated, and the other was controversy over the decisions he made, dealing with a confessed pedophile in 1990. Through all of this we have to keep in mind Dr Peter Hollingworths immaculate record and life devoted to community service in the Anglican Church and Brotherhood of St Lawrence The rape alligation was made by a woman, Rosemarie Annie Jarmyn, from 37 years ago and consequently outside the stature of limits, and she was mentally unstable at the time of the accusation. Not long after the allegation she committed suicide at 56. The case against Dr Peter Hollingworth was discontinued. Dr Peter Hollingworth, as Brisbane Archbishop, was also under scrutiny over his handling of a case in 1990 where a priest who confessed to being a pedophile was allowed to continue to practice under some restrictions. There was a formal inquiry by the Anglican Church of Queensland into these allegations the results of which were released on May 1st this year. They found that his decision not to remove the priest in question were untenable. But we do need to take into account that it is hard to judge a decision made 13 years ago with a formal inquiry of today with todays attitudes. The decision Dr Peter Hollingworth made was then and the inquiry was now. If the media had not got so involved in this whole thing and started ripping into Peter Hollingworth then he would still be Governor General. For example take this article in the front page of the Age on May 26th titled Right decision at last but sadly, he still doesnt get it ...

11th Commandment - Definition in Politics

11th Commandment - Definition in Politics The 11th commandment is an informal rule in the Republican Party mistakenly attributed to Presidential Ronald Reagan that discourages attacks on members of the party and encourages candidates to be kind to each other. The 11th commandment states: Thou shalt not speak ill of any Republican. The other thing about the 11th commandment: Nobody pays attention to it anymore. The 11th commandment  is not meant to discourage healthy debate over policy or political philosophy between Republican candidates for office. It is designed to prevent GOP candidates from launching into personal attacks that would damage the eventual nominee in his general-election contest with the Democratic opponent or preclude him from taking office. In modern politics, the 11th commandment has failed to prevent Republicans candidates from attacking each other. A good example is the 2016 Republican presidential primaries, in which eventual nominee and President-elect Donald Trump routinely disparaged his opponents. Trump referred to Republican U.S. Sen. Marco Rubio as little Marco, U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz as Lyin Ted, and former Florida Jeb Bush as a very low energy kind of guy. The 11th commandment is dead, in other words. Origin of 11th Commandment The origin of the 11th commandment is most often credited to former Republican President Ronald Reagan. Though Reagan used the term many times to discourage infighting in the GOP, he did not come up with 11th commandment. The term was first used by Calfornias Republican Party chairman, Gaylord B. Parkinson, before Reagans first campaign for governor of that state in 1966. Parkinson had inherited a party that was deeply divided. While Parkinson is believed to have first issued that commandment Thou shalt not speak ill of any Republican, he added: Henceforth, if any Republican has a grievance against another, that grievance is not to be bared publicly. The term 11th commandment is a reference to the original 10 commandments handed down by God on how humans should behave. Reagan is often mistakenly given credit with coining the 11th commandment because he was a devout believer in it since first running for political office in California. Reagan wrote in the autobiography An American Life: The personal attacks against me during the primary finally became so heavy that the state Republican chairman, Gaylord Parkinson, postulated what he called the Eleventh Commandment: Thou shalt not speak ill of any fellow Republican. Its a rule I followed during that campaign and have ever since. When Reagan challenged President Gerald Ford for the Republican nomination in 1976, he declined to attack his opponent. I will not put aside the 11th commandment for anyone, Reagan said in announcing his candidacy. 11th Commandment Role in Campaigns The 11th commandment itself has become a line of attack during Republican primaries. Republican candidates often accuse their intraparty rivals of violating the 11th commandment by running negative television ads or leveling misleading charges. In the 2012 Republican presidential contest, for example, Newt Gingrich accused a super PAC that was supporting front-runner Mitt Romney of violating the 11th commandment in the run-up to the Iowa Caucuses. The super PAC, Restore Our Future, questioned Gingrichs record as speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives. Gingrich responded on the campaign trail in Iowa by saying, I believe in Reagans 11th commandment. He then went on to criticize Romney, calling the former governor a Massachusetts moderate, among other things. Erosion of 11th Commandment Some conservative thinkers have argued that most Republican candidates have forgotten about or simply choose to ignore the 11th commandment in modern politics. They believe the abandonment of the principle has undermined the Republican Party in elections. In a tribute to Reagan following his death in 2004, U.S. Sen. Byron L. Dorgan said the 11th commandment has been long forgotten, regrettably. I am afraid that todays politics have taken a turn for the worse. President Reagan was agressive in debate but always respectful. I believe he personified the notion that you can disagree without being disagreeable. The 11th commandment was not intended to prohibit Republican candidates from engaging in reasonable debates over policy or pointing out differences between themselves and their rivals. Reagan, for example, was unafraid of challenging his fellow Republicans over their policy decisions and political ideology. Reagans interpretation of the 11th commandment was that the rule was meant to discourage personal attacks between Republican candidates. The line between a spirited conversation over policy and philosophical difference, though, and speaking ill of an opponent is often blurry.

Ethics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 38

Ethics - Essay Example If every individual would lie to get a loan, then the process would fall apart lending the maxim impossible. Such acts are perfomative contradiction since they undermine the basis for their existence. The humanitarian principle suggests that pertains to the notion of saving life and alleviating suffering. It is mostly related to an emergency response whether during war, natural or man made disasters. They govern how individuals respond in a humanitarian way. Thus, the principle of humanity is one of the humanitarian principles. It states that individuals should always treat human beings as an end and not as means. Treating individuals as means is treating them to achieve our own goals (Shafer-Landau, The ethical life, 2014). Treating as an end is dealing with individuals with the respect they deserve. The principle, however, fails to give us advice on how to determine what people deserve. According to The Principle of utility, our actions or behaviors are morally right as long as they promote happiness and pleasure. Such actions are wrong if they tend to promote unhappiness and even pain. It is associated with hedonism since a hedonist only believes in the feelings of pleasure and pain. Such feelings are biological experiences involving human’s central nervous system and controlled by the cerebral cortex. Human beings experience pleasure whenever they perform certain acts that fulfill their biological functions including eating or drinking. Pleasure is also experienced in the event of performing various intellectual activities including reading. Sometimes, pleasure is experienced by doing the right thing. Pain on the other hand is experienced when such functions are left unfulfilled. Many utilitarian believe that pleasure and pain can be quantified. Thus, the main interest here is acting in private interest as opposed to public interest as long as individuals are gaining pleasure and pain. An example that can bring about the conflicting sides of all the

Description of the role and importance of the NAACP for Public Research Paper

Description of the role and importance of the NAACP for Public Administration class greating writing skills needed - Research Paper Example This paper describes the NAACP influence in the development of new legislation, some of its social programs, defines its sponsorship role in various advocacy efforts, and also its influence in changing youth and labor laws that benefit not only black citizens, but general society as well. A riot which occurred in 1908 in Springfield, Illinois, the hometown of former President Abraham Lincoln, sparked social outcry about the ongoing victimization and violence against blacks. After these events, two notable white liberals that were direct descendents of individuals involved in the abolitionist movement, Oswald Garrison Villard and Mary White Ovington, coordinated a meeting to discuss this violence and prejudice in order to discuss matters of improving racial justice (africanaonline.com, 2009). There were sixty people in attendance to this meeting call and, interestingly, only seven of these individuals were actually African-American (africanaonline.com). From these discussions, the NAACP was founded with a mission to secure African-American rights by securing their liberties protected by the 13th – 15th amendments of the U.S. Constitution. These amendments guaranteed slavery’s abolition and equal protection under American law. Shortly thereafter, the NAAC P selected its headquarters to be based in New York and began organizing new members and coordinating research projects that are still ongoing today in favor of securing African-American needs. The NAACP has been an advocacy group working closely with public figures such as Martin Luther King, Jr. and has been integral in many social change policies and legislative improvements to advance this social groups’ needs, careers, and status position in American society. The efforts of the NAACP have paved the way for equal opportunity and other important black liberation movements. The association describes itself this